Schooling Without Learning: The Language Gap in Tribal Classrooms

Written by Nikita Sonawane

"साऱ्याच कळ्यांना जन्मसिद्ध हक्क आहे फुलण्याचा |

मातीमधला वतन वारसा आकाशावरती कोरण्याचा ||"

— कुसुमाग्रज

These lines speak of a universal right to grow, to flourish, and to claim one’s place in the world. Education is meant to enable this transformation. In India, particularly in Maharashtra, significant policy efforts have focused on expanding access to schooling and improving learning outcomes, especially in remote and historically marginalised tribal regions. Ashram schools, which are residential institutions designed for tribal children, stand as a key instrument in this effort. In the tribal districts of Maharashtra, such as Nandurbar, Gadchiroli, Palghar, Yavatmal, and parts of Nashik, these schools have substantially improved enrollment. 

A foundational literacy class in a tribal Ashram school in Nashik, Maharashtra

Since the launch of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (2000-01) and the Right to Education Act (2009), school enrollment has significantly improved, with nearly 100% enrollment at the primary level  (Das & Santhakumar, 2018). However, this expansion has not translated into equitable learning outcomes. While children are present in schools, many are not meaningfully engaged in learning. According to Das & Santhakumar (2018), enrollment rates reduce after 8th grade, retention remains low, and literacy rates among tribal communities continue to lag behind state averages. This raises a fundamental question: if children are entering the schooling system, why are so many unable to continue or benefit from it? 

The world is largely talking about Foundational Literacy and Numeracy (FLN) and student learning outcomes. But this blog sheds light on language, a significant factor in students' learning outcomes at Ashram schools. Drawing on the Fulora initiative, it explores how contextual, language-sensitive pedagogies can improve both student-teacher engagement and learning outcomes. At the core of this paradox lies language. Language is more than just a teaching tool; it is deeply tied to identity, cognition, and the ability to participate meaningfully in education (Panda, 2026). It carries people's culture, values, and community knowledge (MacKenzie, 2009). When education ignores this, it creates structural barriers rather than opportunities. 

Field insights say that in most Ashram schools, the language of instruction is Marathi, and in some cases, Hindi or English. However, many tribal children enter school speaking Gondi, Warli, Bhill, Kokani, and other local dialects. This creates a fundamental mismatch between the language of home and the language of the classroom. Scholars have long identified this as a critical factor shaping learning outcomes (Mohanty et al., 2009; Santhakumar, 2025). The issue is the absence of a Multilingual Education (MLE) approach. Children are expected to grasp new concepts, engage in classroom interactions, and demonstrate understanding in a language they are only beginning to encounter. As a result, the very medium that is supposed to facilitate learning becomes a barrier to it. 

This language mismatch operates through everyday classroom processes. Instruction in a language not spoken at home can limit the development of reading and writing skills (UNESCO, 2016). Even though there is a push to change this, many classrooms, especially in tribal and rural areas, still use unfamiliar languages, which can reduce children’s participation and confidence. (Panda, 2026). Field insights from Maharashtra reinforce this concern. As one program team member noted, many students struggle to express themselves confidently—even up to the 10th standard—and speaking in Marathi can be particularly challenging for them. They often have difficulty constructing sentences correctly, especially when choosing the appropriate gender terms, and find it hard to communicate their thoughts clearly to teachers and peers. 

These consequences are far-reaching. Research shows that starting education only in a second language does not improve learning; in fact, such students often perform worse and have higher dropout rates than those in bilingual programs (MacKenzie, 2009). They also affect classroom participation: students hesitate to ask questions or respond, and learning becomes passive rather than interactive. The scale of this consequence is significant: there is about a 14 percentage-point gap in literacy rates. Around half of these children drop out while moving from primary to secondary school, nearly 80% stop studying by Class 10, and only about 20% appear for high school exams (Santhakumar, 2025). These are not isolated failures but systematic patterns. 

Why is language an equity issue? 

Language is not just pedagogical; it is political and distributive. It shapes who can access knowledge, whose voices are heard, and who is excluded from it.

Despite longstanding policy recognition, including recommendations from the Article 370A, the Dhebar Commission (1961), the Kothari Commission (1966), and the recent NEP 2020, which advocate mother tongue-based education, the gap between these policies and actual classroom practices remains wide. This gap is not neutral; it reflects and reinforces social hierarchies. As Mohanty et al. (2009) argue, the exclusion of tribal languages from formal education contributes to the marginalisation of linguistic minorities. The language becomes a marker of power: those who speak the dominant language succeed, while others are systematically disadvantaged. When children are denied the opportunity to learn in a language they understand, their ability to develop foundational skills, and consequently, to pursue educational and economic opportunities is constrained (Mohanty et al., 2009).

An intervention from the field: Fulora 

Within this context, the Fulora initiative offers an important example of how these challenges can be addressed in practice. Conceptualised by IAS Kumar Ashirvad and implemented in the districts of Nashik and Gadchiroli (Chaoudhari, 2022; Goyal, 2022; Loksatta, 2022), Fulora is a pedagogy-oriented model that makes foundational concepts in Marathi and mathematics more accessible, engaging, and contextually relevant for children. The design of Fulora emerged from direct observation of classrooms in the Nashik district. Mr Ashirvad identified the gaps in basic literacy and numeracy in his field visits, especially among early-grade students. To address this, Fulora adopted a teacher-led design process. A group of teachers, trained by Quest Alliance India, co-created teaching materials and structured activities tailored to their classroom realities. 

A DIET lecturer from Gadchiroli and a teacher from Nashik shared that, at its core, Fulora is an activity-based learning program comprising around 45 structured activities. These cover essential skills such as letter recognition, sentence formation, and basic arithmetic operations. While not explicitly framed as an FLN intervention, its focus aligns closely with foundational learning goals. A key feature of Fulora is its emphasis on contextualisation. Learning activities draw on students’ everyday experiences, making abstract concepts more accessible. This shift from rote instruction to interactive engagement represents a fundamental change in pedagogy.

While speaking with a teacher from Nashik and a DIET lecturer from Gadchiroli, who was a part of Fulora's implementation, they shared that Fulora’s impact lies in its approach, which makes a difference by finding practical ways to include people who are often left out.  Fulora incorporates group-based learning, where students are organised by learning level rather than age or grade. This allows for differentiated instruction and encourages peer interaction. It introduces linguistic bridging strategies. In regions like Gadchiroli, where Gondi is widely spoken but lacks a standard script, Fulora represents Gondi sounds using the Devanagari script. This creates a transitional pathway between home language and school language, enabling comprehension without erasing linguistic identity. Fulora integrates with systematic implementation and monitoring. Teacher training at district and block levels, combined with weekly progress tracking and monthly administrative visits, ensures that the program is sustained rather than episodic.

To understand this initiative more closely, I spoke with the field team, and one of the respondents reported that teachers observed improvements in reading and writing, with students progressing from basic letter recognition to sentence-level fluency. Mathematical understanding also improved through hands-on activities. These findings align with evidence that mother tongue-based approaches enhance both literacy and numeracy outcomes. This is mainly because children attend school more regularly when they understand the language of instruction. It also helps them stay in the correct grade for their age (Balkrishnan et al., 2023). Equally important are the changes in classroom culture. Participation increased, dropout rates declined, and administrative engagement strengthened. These shifts suggest that when language barriers are addressed, broader educational development happens.

At the same time, Fulora highlights ongoing challenges. A respondent from Nashik stated that many tribal students enter Grade 1 without early childhood education (ECE), making foundational learning more difficult. Teachers initially struggled to adapt to interactive methods, indicating the need for sustained professional support. These limitations underline that interventions must be embedded within larger systemic changes. 

A classroom in a tribal Ashram school in Nashik, Maharashtra

Johnson and Chattopadhyay (2023) recommended that a culturally sensitive curriculum be included in tribal education to promote inclusivity and relevance in educational content. Language inclusion is not an optional enhancement but a necessary condition for equitable education. Ignoring children’s mother tongues shows injustice towards their fundamental human rights and holistic development. 

To adopt these teaching practices, one must adopt the Multilingual Education (MLE) approach, allowing children to learn concepts in familiar languages while gradually acquiring proficiency in the school language. Teaching-learning materials need to reflect linguistic diversity, and assessment systems must recognise it. At the institutional level, teacher training must prioritise language-sensitive pedagogy. Teachers need both the skills and the support to engage with multilingual classrooms effectively. Policy frameworks must shift from symbolic recognition of mother-tongue education to its genuine implementation, focusing on resource allocation, curriculum development, and accountability. A collaborative approach engaging system leaders, NGOs, and community stakeholders is essential for effective execution. 

Tribal languages are not just tools for instruction; they are repositories of knowledge and identity. Integrating them into education strengthens both learning and cultural continuity (Nambissan, 1994). Integrating them into education not only enhances learning but also preserves cultural continuity. For education to fulfil its promise, it must start where the child is within their language, their context, and their community. Only then can schooling move from simply ensuring attendance to fostering meaningful learning, and from granting formal access to developing genuine capabilities. This holistic approach is the key to achieving lasting educational success for tribal children. 

Acknowledgement 

The author would like to express their sincere gratitude to the field team, Rohit Bidkar (Senior Project Associate, LFE), Priyadarshan Atram (Project Associate, LFE), Dhammanand Gaikawad (Teacher, Nashik), and Punit Matkar (DIET Lecturer, Gadchiroli), whose valuable field-level insights made it possible to integrate both theoretical and practical perspectives in this blog. 

References

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